In a scathing report released yesterday on the Holy See’s adherence to the principles of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, an aggressive UN committee knocked the Holy See off the high ground.
The Roberts Court may be skeptical of buffer zones around abortion clinics, but the rest of the country doesn’t seem to be.
According to Kentucky Rep. Joe Fischer, who has attached a 20-week abortion ban to a domestic violence bill, “The most brutal form of domestic violence is the violence against unborn children.”
Introduced by the co-chair of the General Assembly’s newly unveiled Women’s Health Caucus, the bill frames revenge porn as a form of intimate partner harassment.
On Monday, the Pennsylvania General Assembly considered for a second time HB 1796, the first statewide bill in the nation seeking to protect all victims of crime or abuse from experiencing similar maltreatment.
While the hashtag shined a light on how ableism is a systemic issue in all political and societal respects, it also revealed something that has long been known by some, but that has been unrecognized by others: that feminism has an ableism problem.
The measures passed thanks in part to strong local organizing efforts, but it was a mixed outcome for tipped restaurant workers.
Members of the media and many progressives are beside themselves about Pope Francis. But raise the subject of the pope’s continued exclusion of women and the church’s opposition to any form of reproductive freedom, and you’re all but told to shut up and wait.
When journalists report that a man was arrested and charged with domestic violence, it sounds far less menacing than reporting that he was arrested for beating his partner bloody or punching her until she lost consciousness.
In his defense of the faceless poor, the pope misses the fact that women are more likely than men to be in poverty—because of the very kind of structural inequality that his church models for the world as an image of holiness.