Thursday’s decision makes it much less likely the Supreme Court will intervene quickly in the dispute over whether the federal government can administer subsidies for health insurance purchased on its exchanges.
For at least several years, Alameda County sheriffs and medical personnel have routinely conducted pregnancy tests on thousands of prisoners, old and young, fertile and sterile, willing or not. It’s a practice that isn’t shared by any other jails in California. No one can say for exactly how long Alameda County jails have been forcing arrested women to take pregnancy tests, and no one can really explain why.
As a lawsuit challenging Texas’ highly restrictive abortion access law winds its way through the federal court system, one Texas abortion provider announced Wednesday that she would expand services into neighboring New Mexico.
A federal appeals court ruled Tuesday that Texas’ highly restrictive omnibus anti-abortion law—which would have closed all but eight legal abortion facilities in the state—must remain blocked, for now.
The leader of a national anti-choice lobby group said Sunday that Texas’ omnibus anti-abortion law was always intended to shutter legal abortion clinics.
The circle of victims of misogynist harassment is getting bigger, and the Supreme Court is playing a role.
The order prevents authorities in Louisiana from enforcing the law while clinics and providers continue to try and secure hospital admitting privileges.
Without the court’s injunction, HB 2 could have reduced the number of Texas abortion providers to eight.
While pleased that they may no longer have to refer to Pennsylvania as “the island of the uninsured,” advocates still have serious concerns with the Healthy PA plan.
In a matter of days, five of Texas’ eight legal abortion providers will operate under the Planned Parenthood banner, a special irony in light of state lawmakers’ professed hatred for the provider.