Texas’ anti-choice lawmakers—almost all Republicans, joined by a few Democrats—have spent the last decade and a half or so chipping away abortion access in the state. Yet every session, we’re told to be thankful something more restrictive didn’t make it to the governor’s desk.
Caya, a new single-size diaphragm, gives women who can’t or don’t want to use hormonal methods a new birth control option.
Gay couples are less likely to have employer-sponsored health insurance than married heterosexual couples, but that may be about to change.
Rather than making abortion safer, Texas’ omnibus abortion law may actually compromise the health of women in the state if the Fifth Circuit’s ruling earlier this month goes into effect.
An order issued Monday suggests the Roberts Court could jump back into the fight over contraception coverage next term.
HB 2 bans abortion after 20 weeks, limits the prescription of medication abortion, requires abortion-providing doctors to have admitting privileges at local hospitals, and requires facilities that provide abortion care to operate as ambulatory surgical centers.
South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley’s denunciation of the Confederate flag last week has in some ways overshadowed her refusal to act in other areas related to structural inequality, such as refusing to expand health-care access to low-income communities across the state.
A state court judge ruled from the bench Thursday the law, which bans the most commonly used method of ending a pregnancy in the second trimester, should be blocked while a trial on its constitutionality proceeds.
The Poland “abortion drone” is causing a splash in the media and excited buzz in the reproductive rights community, but it has also become a source of misinformation and anxiety.
It would be difficult to imagine a 2015 session that could have rivaled the 2013 special summer session in terms of restrictions. But dangerous bills did get traction this year—and some made their way into law.