Written by ten anti-choice authors, the new study poses an unacceptable risk to public health because it could be used to advocate the criminalization of necessary health care for women.
Attorneys for the State of North Carolina have asked the U.S. Supreme Court to review a state law that requires patients to undergo a narrated ultrasound before having an abortion, even if the patient objects.
During oral arguments in a case challenging the state’s telemedicine abortion ban, Iowa Solicitor General Jeffery Thompson said he would not object to a ruling protecting abortion rights in the Iowa Constitution.
Though many remember New York’s Percy Sutton as an investor, lawyer, and power broker, he also introduced the state’s first bill that would have relaxed abortion restrictions—opening the door for the liberalization of New York’s abortion laws before Roe v. Wade.
In 2003, the African Union adopted the only human rights treaty in the world to explicitly outline the right to abortion care. However, the majority of African governments have done very little to enact that right in practice.
In the 1990s, abortion opponents coined the term “partial-birth abortion” to convince lawmakers to ban an uncommon method. Now, they’re trying the same strategy—this time, on a procedure used in almost every second-trimester abortion.
If Mississippi gets its way, the right to an abortion will be meaningless in the face of unrestricted state power to regulate reproduction.
Lawmakers in the state are trying to redefine “medically necessary” abortions covered by Medicaid. Advocates say that is unconstitutional.
For me, and many others born after Roe v. Wade, the fixation on coat hangers as the prevailing imagery of the reproductive rights movement excludes the possibility of alternatives that are more relevant to current struggles.
The legislative session kicked off in the states with a bunch of new anti-abortion bills, along with the conviction of an Indiana woman for feticide and neglect of a dependent.