The All* Above All Be Bold Road Trip stopped in Philadelphia on September 9 at Love Park, a symbol of great pride to the City of Brotherly Love and Sisterly Affection. However, as low-income families and women in the city have experienced, the motto certainly isn’t a reflection of the city’s stewardship to communities in need.
The City of Seattle, Washington, last week introduced a resolution calling for the full repeal of all federal bans on public funding for abortion.
Conservative legal advocates argue that the state is wrongfully paying for abortions for low-income women in Minnesota, but the courts disagree.
SB 49 requires doctors to select a reason for an abortion being “medically unnecessary” from an approved list—a term that is used to determine which procedures can be funded by Medicaid in the state.
Texas state Sen. Jane Nelson took to the editorial page of the Austin American-Statesman this week to tout “advances” in women’s health care under Republican leadership. But Nelson fudged the facts on her, and her party’s, anti-woman voting record.
Twenty-three states have passed laws barring abortion coverage from insurance plans within state health exchanges. What has largely gone unnoticed is that many of these policies emanate from Americans United for Life, a little-known group that regularly has access to conservative lawmakers at the annual ALEC conferences.
“It’s just a fake front issue to talk about abortion,” House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said of HR 7, the anti-choice bill passed just hours before Tuesday’s State of the Union address. “What they’re really talking about is contraception, family planning, the judgment of women.”
Let’s go behind the statistics—behind the political rhetoric—to talk about the real impact of restrictions on abortion and bans on coverage.
Speaking in the Rules Committee, Rep. Alcee Hastings said, “I think men ought to butt out of this subject, and be about the business of respecting women and their rights.”
Forty-one years since Roe v. Wade, the question is: Will the Roberts Court do to Roe and abortion rights what it did to health-care reform and keep just enough of it intact to call it legal, while rendering it nearly impossible to obtain?