Gates and others have long claimed that conversations about abortion are “toxic” not just to feminism and the equality movement, but political progress in general. To that I say hooey.
Twitter has come under fire from mainstream journalists and institutional gatekeepers, derided as “toxic” and a “poisonous well.” But this opposition to Twitter—to its strengths as a democratizing platform—is as old as media itself.
The central argument in Lean In is that one can strategize their way through the patterns of structural sexism. But Abramson’s firing provides a powerful case study for the fact that we cannot win a game we are rigged to lose.
Masculinity and femininity are social constructs. But in the church, the uncertainty that extends from such constructs has led to a boxed in vision of gender that helps no one.
Last week, RH Reality Check published a piece in response to an earlier commentary I wrote about what was being billed as a feminist effort to criminalize surrogacy in Kansas. Much as I respect them, it appears the co-authors of that article responded to a straw man.
A recent RH Reality Check piece treated the vexing question of commercial surrogacy as a litmus test for feminists. For us at Pro-Choice Alliance for Responsible Research, we believe that contract pregnancy can’t be understood in such a simplistic framework.
Porn stars aren’t typically labeled as feminists or women’s studies majors, but Belle Knox, a Duke freshman who made headlines recently after she was outed by her classmate, is both. Whatever you make of Knox, her story offers a lot to think about.
A recent column by Phyllis Schlafly—arguably nation’s, if not the world’s, most famous hater of the feminist movement—shows just how woefully out of touch she and the conservative spokeswomen who have followed her are today.
The Kansas legislature is considering a bill that would make surrogate parents, gestational carriers, and anyone who assists them liable to up to a $10,000 fine or imprisonment of one year. But despite what some supporters of the legislation may say, criminalizing freely chosen reproductive actions is not part of the feminist project.
South Dakota could soon become the eighth state in the country to pass a sex-selective abortion ban. Yet these bills have yet to merit a larger conversation, either within the national reproductive rights and feminist movements or in the news more generally.