A Houston crisis pregnancy center’s director says she expects an “inevitable influx of clients” after the passage of HB 2, which will shut down the vast majority of legal abortion clinics in Texas. But that’s precisely what the bill’s proponents said would never happen.
A federal appeals court ruled a lower court was wrong when it blocked a Baltimore law requiring crisis pregnancy centers to disclose that they are not actual medical facilities.
The governor had little problem using his veto pen on the state budget, but wouldn’t cross of any one of five anti-women, anti-health amendments.
“Moral Monday” events organized by the North Carolina NAACP and local clergy have brought together thousands of citizens to express growing discontent with the new conservative majority’s focus on tax breaks and handouts for the wealthy at the expense of social services.
The war on Planned Parenthood is now reaching epic proportions, as multiple states try to defund existing clinics and block new ones from opening.
The funding, which is usually used to provide medical care and contraceptive coverage for poor and uninsured women who do not qualify for Medicaid, would instead go to an umbrella group for about half of the state’s CPCs.
Spokespeople for the CPC, which shares a name similar to that of the reproductive health clinic, avoided giving a straight answer as to whether the next-door location was a coincidence or if it was intended to confuse patients on their way to the clinic.
With less access to quality preventive care, and more money heading to deceptive crisis pregnancy centers, the 2013 legislative session was another tough one for women.
An anti-choice counseling group told a federal court that the Arkansas 12-week ban should be upheld because it’s good for their business.
Disclosure in every outlet in which they advertise, the potential for fines if they don’t properly adhere to the law: in many ways, CPCs are being asked to behave like reproductive health-care clinics.