Restrictions on reproductive rights passed by anti-choice state legislatures this year are set to take effect July 1, even as abortion-related legislative and legal battles rage on.
Texas’ anti-choice lawmakers—almost all Republicans, joined by a few Democrats—have spent the last decade and a half or so chipping away abortion access in the state. Yet every session, we’re told to be thankful something more restrictive didn’t make it to the governor’s desk.
Rather than making abortion safer, Texas’ omnibus abortion law may actually compromise the health of women in the state if the Fifth Circuit’s ruling earlier this month goes into effect.
Maine’s Republican-majority state senate voted 21 to 14 against a targeted regulation of abortion provider (TRAP) bill in Maine on Friday, after the state’s Democratic-led house voted down the proposal last month.
On Wednesday morning, Texas abortion providers took one step closer to taking their case against the state’s omnibus anti-abortion law, HB 2, to the Supreme Court.
The decision to uphold the ambulatory surgical center provisions of HB 2 seems designed to bait the Roberts Court to take on another major abortion case.
Amy Hagstrom Miller and Amanda Williams at ChoiceWorks speak about their vision for their new nonprofit Shift, why they’ve chosen to launch in Texas, and what the end of abortion stigma might look like in red states.
Alabama legislators have pushed forward a bill that will make reproductive care harder to access while perpetuating erroneous and harmful stereotypes about providers.
Twelve states have enacted such policies, which require doctors to obtain admitting privileges at a local hospital, and they are in effect in five states. But the seminal questions are: Does this requirement benefit women? And what are the costs to women and providers?
First, anti-choice advocates said Texas abortion clinics were too small. Now, I guess, they’re too big.