There’s been a lot of analysis done over the push for fetal pain laws in the states. But why do anti-abortion activists was that particular law to be the one to challenge Roe V. Wade?
Abortion ban legislation in Iowa and elsewhere is based on a myth that focuses on the 20th week of pregnancy at which an arbitrary line is drawn to restrict abortions past this time.
The WHO lists 30 essential drugs for maternal and child health, Montanans don’t want to ban abortion, Princeton Theological Seminarians upset by distribution of racist flyers, and health care reform turns one!
The first same-sex fertility center, Arizona Senate passes race and sex-based abortion ban, women still being given as crime compensation in Afghanistan, lawsuit filed over New York’s CPC law, and Rep. Mike Pence likes what Title X does for “inner cities.”
A Minnesota Representative tells a woman testifying against the proposed fetal pain ban that she should have given birth, like Rick Santorum’s wife did.
The acquittal of an Australia couple for illegal abortion reveals much about how abortion bans are misunderstood by the general public, and why anti-choicers prefer it stays that way.
North Dakota’s “egg-as-person” bill would afford “preborn persons” the “privileges and immunities” of state citizenship.
Arkansas bans “partial birth” abortion, and pregnant women and their physicians are left to guess which safe surgical abortion techniques HB 1113 bans.
Finally, the economic downturn delivers a silver lining for America’s women: legislators in Utah, who are gung-ho about an abortion ban, aren’t going to pursue one in this legislative session because of the cost associated with defending the ban in court.
The South Dakota measure to criminalize abortion was defeated by 10 points. The campaign responsible for challenging the ban used messaging much of the national pro-choice movement might not agree with. How does a state in which most voters identify as pro-life defeat an abortion ban?