For five years, Steven Massof worked with Kermit Gosnell, the rogue abortion doctor who earlier this year was convicted of first-degree murder for killing babies born alive in his West Philadelphia clinic. On Wednesday,
Massof was sentenced to six to 12 years for his role in the “house of horrors.”
When it comes to childhood sexual assault, there is a heavy thumb on the scales of justice. To trot out “but he wasn’t convicted” as definitive proof of innocence against the backdrop of this system amounts to willful ignorance.
Following the amendment of the Philadelphia Fair Practices Ordinance, city employers are now required to provide “reasonable” workplace accommodations for pregnant employees, such as access to water and bathroom breaks.
What relatively peaceful anti-choice protesters may not understand is that their behavior is relative: They’re a physical representation of threats that have already been made, and in some cases executed, in the past and online.
The biggest disparity among Pennsylvania women with and without health insurance was found regarding access to Pap smears and mammograms.
On Monday, an anti-choice website incorrectly noted that eight abortion clinics in Pennsylvania have closed since 2012, misinformation that was picked up by credible news outlets that in some cases attributed the two closures to Act 122—another misstep.
The Roberts Court may be skeptical of buffer zones around abortion clinics, but the rest of the country doesn’t seem to be.
State Rep. Gordon Denlinger is circulating a co-sponsorship memo seeking support in his effort to amend the state constitution from punishing a person or employer for making any kind of discriminatory decision.
Introduced by the co-chair of the General Assembly’s newly unveiled Women’s Health Caucus, the bill frames revenge porn as a form of intimate partner harassment.
Anti-choice advocates and lobbyists are calling the slight decrease in the number of abortions performed in Pennsylvania in 2012 “good news for women.” Is it really?