Pennsylvania Gov. Tom Corbett had hoped to make the state the first to tether job-search requirements to Medicaid eligibility.
In recent months, several cities and states have passed measures to strengthen protections for pregnant workers. But the way in which these laws passed—with overwhelming, bipartisan support—may be almost as notable as what they will do.
A veto in Arizona may have meant the demise of one attempt to further enshrine discrimination in the name of religious liberty, but the larger threat from the Supreme Court remains.
Judges from York, Monroe, and Lancaster counties have now all written opinions stating that the law fails to take juveniles’ greater capacity for reform into account.
Will Senate Democrats respond to calls to block the nomination of Michael Boggs to the federal bench?
In the wake of similar protections recently passed in Philadelphia, Rep. Mark Painter has introduced HB 1892, dubbed the Pennsylvania Pregnant Workers Fairness Act, in the state house.
The logical outcome of the current anti-choice strategy is arrests of pregnant women and the people who try to help them: Coerce women into the black market by reducing the number of legal abortion providers, and then leave them to the prosecutors.
While reproductive justice is inclusive of men and families, what would happen if Black males were more consciously integrated into this framework?
For five years, Steven Massof worked with Kermit Gosnell, the rogue abortion doctor who earlier this year was convicted of first-degree murder for killing babies born alive in his West Philadelphia clinic. On Wednesday,
Massof was sentenced to six to 12 years for his role in the “house of horrors.”
When it comes to childhood sexual assault, there is a heavy thumb on the scales of justice. To trot out “but he wasn’t convicted” as definitive proof of innocence against the backdrop of this system amounts to willful ignorance.