The preliminary injunction, granted in a suit brought by owners of an air-conditioning company in Colorado who “oppose birth control.”
The converse of “the devil made me do it” is now being used in a new anti-choice activist’s legal defense.
After an anti-choice protest at his child’s school, Todd Stave turns the tables on anti-choice bullies by standing up and fighting back.
Last night, the voters of North Dakota decisively defeated a ballot initiative that one news outlet called an “ecclesiastical mugging.” By a margin of 64 percent to 36 percent, voters said “no” to an effort to impose religious doctrine on health care, social policy, and law in the state.
In this week’s sexual health round up: new research finds that only 38 percent of girls who start the HPV vaccine get all three shots; a new study finds that while the specific gene therapy tried did not impact HIV, the concept still shows promise; and a six-year-old is suspended from a Colorado elementary school for sexual harassment.
While state legislators get coverage for their debates on whether or not employers can deny their employees insurance coverage for birth control, the same media ignores those who support reproductive autonomy.
A GOP leader in Colorado tells pro-choice college students, protesting at a Republican fundraiser featuring Foster “aspirin-between-their-legs” Friess, to lighten up and appreciate that abstinence is a form of birth control. But what about the common forms of birth control that some GOP leaders want to ban?
Citizens in Mississippi, once, and Colorado, twice, have resoundingly rejected so called “personhood” measures that would have established the “pre-born” as separate legal persons under the law. There is increasing evidence that when people understand the broad reach of such measures, they vote them down. But what happens when prosecutors and judges misuse their power and “pass” such measures in disguise?
After hours of discussion, the bill was tabled due to too many unanswered questions.